"Where does it say we can't use this?" A reprint of a journal paper sat in front of me, and my hand stopped. If the rules don't mention something, does that mean it's allowed? What peer review (= evaluation by fellow experts) guarantees, and what it doesn't. This is about the small snag of hesitation that comes before the phrase "holding ourselves to a strict standard."
01A single reprint stops my hand
On the review desk for a lecture-meeting slide deck lay a reprint (= a printed copy of one article from an academic journal). The paper was from a well-known international journal. The person in charge said, "This is a peer-reviewed paper (= one that experts in the field examined and accepted). Is there any reason we can't use it?" There was no edge in his voice. It was, if anything, an honest question. The paper's quality was high. The statistics looked sound. And yet my red pen stayed frozen on the page.
Looking for a reason, I leafed through the rules at hand. Article 66 of the Pharmaceutical and Medical Device Act (= the provision that bans false or exaggerated advertising about a drug's effects). The Sales Information Provision Guidelines (= standards the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare issued in 2018 for how drug companies give information to health professionals). No matter how many times I reread them, nowhere do they say "a published paper must not be used." There is no written prohibition, and yet I cannot say with confidence that it's fine. This in-between state is the hardest part of review work.
"If it isn't written down, there's no basis for saying no, is there?" His logic holds together. And I don't want to make objections I can't back up. But in a situation where a less experienced version of me might have stamped "no rule against it — approved," the me of today cannot bring the stamp down. What is this snag? Mere self-protection, or something at the core of what review work is?
In this issue I want to look for what that snag actually is. To give away a little of the conclusion: where the rules are silent is not "white space" — it is territory marked "use your own judgment here." But before we get there, we first need to reread, precisely, what the rules actually say.
02What the rules forbid, and what they don't
Between reviews, I went back to the original text. Article 66, paragraph 1 says: no person shall advertise, describe, or spread false or exaggerated statements about the name, manufacturing method, efficacy, effects, or performance of drugs and related products, "whether explicitly or implicitly." That last phrase deserves attention. Even if every individual sentence is accurate, if the arrangement or presentation creates expectations beyond the reality, it can count as exaggeration. The rule isn't "don't lie." It's "don't mislead."
There is one more provision that's easy to confuse with it: Article 68 (= the provision that bans advertising of unapproved drugs). To keep them straight —
| Provision | What it forbids | Typical situation |
|---|---|---|
| Article 66 | False or exaggerated advertising (including implied) | Making an approved drug look better than it is |
| Article 68 | Advertising unapproved drugs or unapproved uses | Promoting a use that hasn't been approved |
A journal reprint becomes a problem because it usually stands at the entrance to both. Even content within the approved scope can, depending on how it's shown, cross into Article 66's "implied exaggeration." If the paper involves unapproved uses, Article 68's shadow falls over it. And the Sales Information Provision Guidelines cover lecture meetings, spoken explanations, and slides. They require that information be "accurate and based on scientific, objective evidence," and that use within the approved scope be the baseline. But they do not list, item by item, how to handle published papers.
So the rules draw the principles in thick lines and leave case-by-case judgment to the people on the ground. Whether you read "not written = permitted" or "not written = my area to judge" is where two kinds of reviewer part ways. Under the first reading, every gap in the rules is a passage through. Under the second, every gap is a post to stand at. Article 66 deliberately placed the word "implicitly" because presentation that slips past the letter of the law is exactly what the regulation most wants to catch. If so, my red pen, stopped where nothing is written, is not standing outside the law — it is standing at the post the law pointed to. Seen that way, the snag starts to take on an outline.
03What does peer review actually guarantee?
More than ten years ago now, I asked an old acquaintance who had stayed in academia, "What does peer review actually look at?" It was idle talk over drinks. His answer was almost disappointingly plain. "Whether the methods are sound, and whether the data supports the conclusion. That's it." He added that it doesn't judge whether a finding is important, and it certainly doesn't guarantee there are no errors. Back then I still half believed that a paper in a peer-reviewed journal (= one that passed expert examination) was "certified truth."
Peer review (= a system in which researchers in the same field check a manuscript before publication) confirms whether the work follows scholarly method. Does the study design fit the question? Are the statistics used properly? Does the conclusion stay within what the data can support? Put the other way around: the examination ends there. "May this result be used in sales material?" is a question no peer reviewer has ever considered. Nor are they obliged to. Journal review criteria contain no item about suitability for promotional use.
I think of airport security. Pass the screening and you can board the plane. But passing it does not mean you may do anything you like at your destination. Security screening only confirms that no dangerous items come aboard; it makes no promises about your conduct once you arrive. Peer review is the same. It is a boarding pass into the world of scholarship, but how the paper is used at its "destination" — a lecture slide, a meeting handout — is left to an entirely separate examination. That separate examination is our job.
What's more, the boarding pass itself can later be voided. Peer-reviewed papers do get retracted (= withdrawn after publication), and it is well known that results which fail to replicate (= cannot be reproduced when other researchers repeat the method) are not rare. I don't want to overstate this. Most papers are honest work. But the fact of "passing peer review" means something far more limited than people assume. Once I understood that, I began reading the note "published in a peer-reviewed journal" in the margin of a material not as a permit, but as a starting point.
04Correct as a paper, exaggerated as an advertisement
Here are three situations I actually meet again and again at the review desk. In none of them does the original paper lie. And still I end up writing a rejection.
Cropping out only the favorable figure
A slide that lifts from a paper only the chart that flatters the company's product. The paper as a whole says the effect was limited, but that caveat has vanished. Even if the figure itself is unchanged from the original article, the moment it is cut loose from its surrounding explanation, the impression changes.
Playing up a subgroup analysis
A trial that showed no overall difference, but one slice of patients (a subgroup analysis) looked good — and that slice is displayed large. A result the paper explicitly labels "exploratory" gets promoted to the lead role on the slide.
Data at unapproved doses
High-dose data from overseas trials, or results beyond the approved use in Japan. Valuable as academic reporting — but shown in a sales setting, it can amount to recommending unapproved (off-label) use.
The second one, subgroup analysis, is worth a pause. In statistics, subgroup analyses are treated as "exploratory" (= analyses that hunt for hypotheses for the next study). They are not "confirmatory" (= analyses planned in advance to verify an effect). Slice patients enough ways and, by chance alone, some group will show a difference. The paper's authors know this and report it in careful language. In other words, within the paper it is a legitimate statement. The problem is that the carefulness doesn't travel with it.
This is where the word "implicitly" in Article 66 (= the provision banning exaggerated drug advertising) carries its weight. Even without writing an explicit falsehood, if the manner of presentation gives an impression of superiority beyond the facts, it can count as exaggeration. Unapproved-dose data follows the same pattern: the Sales Information Provision Guidelines (= the ministry's rules for drug-company information activities) make provision of information within the approved scope the baseline. Presented at an academic conference, it is scholarship; placed on a company-hosted lecture slide, it enters a sales context.
The same figure changes its regulatory meaning depending on where it is placed. That may be the single deepest lesson this work has soaked into me. What I check in review is not the correctness of the figure itself. It's whether the caveats and conditions that sat next to the figure in the original article are still sitting next to it on the slide. Whether it brought its companion — the context — along. Correctness as a paper and appropriateness as an advertisement: at the review desk, these have to be verified as two separate questions.
05How to read "holding ourselves to a strict standard"
The night my hand stopped over that reprint, I reread the Sales Information Provision Guidelines. In Chapter 4, there it was. For matters the guidelines do not spell out, it says, do not mistake "not listed" for "not forbidden"; instead, take the company's fundamental responsibility as your yardstick and act while holding yourself to a strict standard. I had seen the passage countless times, but that night it looked slightly different. It is not decoration. Within the structure of the rules, it has been given a clearly defined post. The very authors of the rules had shown us how to walk where the rules are silent.
The rules governing drug information are built roughly in three layers. On the outside, statute (= national law such as the Pharmaceutical and Medical Device Act). Inside that, administrative guidelines (= notices showing how the law is to be applied). And at the innermost layer, the industry's voluntary code and each company's internal rules. The outer two layers list "what must not be done" in writing. But a list is only ever a list. Materials can take an unlimited number of forms, and no statute can write them all down in advance.
The important point is that this incompleteness is not a defect of the law. It is a design premise. The mesh of written rules has gaps from the start, and those gaps are left as "the place where each company and each person draws the line themselves." That is why voluntary codes (= rules an industry or a company imposes on itself) exist. Where external regulation cannot reach, self-regulation fills in. The two are not opposed; they weave one net between them, each taking a share.
| Layer | Who sets it | Where it operates |
|---|---|---|
| Statute | The state | Acts explicitly forbidden in writing |
| Guidelines | Regulators | Interpretation and application of the law |
| Voluntary code, internal rules | Industry, companies, individuals | The gaps the written rules don't reach — where we "hold ourselves to a strict standard" |
So I read "holding ourselves to a strict standard" not as a moral pep talk but as a declaration of divided roles. The argument "it isn't in the rules, so we can use it" cannot stand inside this structure, because the unwritten territory is precisely the territory we promised to take responsibility for judging. And the basis of that judgment is not a legal clause but conscience (= the inner voice asking: would I be ashamed of this reaching a patient?). The absence of a written rule is not a permit to do anything; it is where the homework begins — that is what the phrase quietly says.
06The snag is the voice of conscience
Back to the opening scene. When my hand stopped over that data, two voices were colliding in my head. "This is not a rule violation." "But is it fair, as information that will reach patients?" Both voices are mine. They don't reconcile. Psychology has a name for this discomfort: cognitive dissonance (= the unsettled feeling that arises when two of your own beliefs conflict). The social psychologist Leon Festinger proposed the concept in 1957.
What Festinger pointed out was that people cannot leave this discomfort alone; they will resolve it somehow. The danger lies in how. The easiest method is to silence one of the voices. Recite "it's not a violation, so there's no problem," and the dissonance disappears. The hand moves again. But that is not making a judgment. It is stepping down from one.
I have come to think of it the other way around. That snag is not noise to be erased. It is a signal that conscience has noticed something before the head has assembled its reasoning. Even someone who never once thinks about the word "ethics" has heard the small voice: "Should this really go in?" That small voice is a detector everyone is born with — no qualifications, no training required.
- When you feel the snag, don't dismiss it first. Instead of waving it off as "just my imagination," try putting what snagged you into one sentence.
- Once it's in words, put it on the table. Show a colleague: "Something here bothers me." At that moment, a private intuition becomes an item for the organization to consider.
- If the discussion ends in "it can go in," that is not a defeat. A judgment that passed after its reasons were spoken aloud is a different thing from one waved through in silence.
The first act of self-regulation is not reciting an impressive code of ethics. It is treating one small snag inside yourself seriously, once. As we saw in the previous section, the space outside the written rules is left to us as the place to draw lines. The starting point of that line-drawing was always that half-second of unease.
07A line becomes a line when you draw it yourself
When I got back to my desk after the review, it was already getting dark outside. In the end, the reprint did not go in as a standalone subgroup figure. It would be paired with the trial's main overall results, and the wording aligned to the approved indications. That was where we landed. The person in charge looked faintly dissatisfied to the last — the face of "but it's in a published paper." I understood the feeling.
A few days later, he came to my desk. "Now that you mention it, that figure alone did say too much." That was all, and he went back. A short exchange, but it made me a little glad. Not because he had been persuaded — because he had thought it through again himself. It wasn't that I drew a line; a line got drawn inside him. That difference will show up, without fail, in his next material.
Looking back on the decision, I had leaned on three things: Article 66 of the Pharmaceutical and Medical Device Act, the Sales Information Provision Guidelines, and that one phrase in the industry's voluntary code — "holding ourselves to a strict standard." The three sit in different layers. The law states the minimum prohibitions; the guidelines show how to apply them; the voluntary code states the posture for the unwritten places. But what actually sits in front of you in a review is one reprint and one person. None of the three layers says anywhere, "May this figure go in?" Filling the unwritten part came down, in the end, to the judgment of the person reviewing.
Psychology and sociology apparently call it "internalization" when a norm given from outside becomes, in time, your own standard of judgment. In the language of the workplace it is simpler. A line drawn by someone else is something you obey. As long as you are obeying it, the line stays someone else's. But once you have taken something the rules don't cover, thought it through yourself, hesitated, and drawn a line somewhere, the next judgment gets a little easier. You now have a foothold inside you: "That time, I reasoned it this way." That reviewer gained one such foothold this time. I did the same when I was young — a senior drew a line for me, I resented it, and later I walked to his desk to say "now that you mention it."
A line becomes a line when you draw it yourself. A line drawn for you disappears the moment the watching stops. A line you drew yourself remains, as long as no reason to erase it exists inside you. What lies before the phrase "holding ourselves to a strict standard" is probably this: a plain, personal accumulation of such experiences. Packing up to go home, I found myself looking forward, just a little, to the next material that reviewer would bring.
- Peer review confirms scholarly method and nothing more. "May this be used in sales material?" is outside its scope — that examination is a separate question we take on ourselves.
- Even when every statement is accurate, cropping and presentation can produce "implied exaggeration" (Article 66). Carry the figure together with its context — the caveats and conditions that stood beside it in the original article.
- Territory with no written rule is not blank space; it is where we draw the line ourselves. "Holding ourselves to a strict standard" is a declaration of divided roles, and its starting point is treating one small inner snag seriously, once.
- Leon Festinger. A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford University Press, 1957. (The classic showing that inconsistency between one's own beliefs drives behavior.)
- Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. Guidelines for Sales Information Provision Activities for Prescription Drugs. 2018. (The national rules, covering lecture meetings and slides as well.)
- Japan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association. JPMA Promotion Code for Prescription Drugs. (The industry's voluntary code.)
- Michael Sandel. Justice: What's the Right Thing to Do? Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2009. (A primer on practicing judgment outside the rules.)
- Daniel Kahneman. Thinking, Fast and Slow. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011. (On the relationship between intuitive snags and deliberate reasoning.)
- Albert Bandura. Self-Efficacy in Changing Societies. Cambridge University Press, 1995. (On the mechanisms by which people permit or excuse themselves from moral judgment.)
- Kiichiro Tsutani et al., eds. A Guidepost for Clinical Research (Rinsho Kenkyu no Michishirube). iHope International, 2019. (A practical guide to reading clinical data, including subgroup analyses; in Japanese.)
- Takeo Nakayama. Reading Health and Medical Information, 2nd ed. (Kenko Iryo no Joho wo Yomitoku). Maruzen, 2014. (On the distance between a single paper and the body of evidence as a whole; in Japanese.)
- Tadashi Kobayashi. The Age of Trans-Science (Toransu Saiensu no Jidai). NTT Publishing, 2007. (Argues that even where science can answer, judgment remains with people; in Japanese.)