"I want to get good medicine to patients" — that intention is real. And yet, across the seven annual reports from fiscal 2019 through 2025, healthcare institution monitors captured a cumulative total of approximately 186 suspected violations (an editorial sum across seven report editions). Most of the people at the center of those cases were not bad actors. They were ordinary representatives. Sales targets, launch deadlines, KOL relationships, competitive pressure — pressure has a map. Inside representatives under that pressure, four psychological drivers chain together and bend good intentions, increment by increment. This series traces that chain through real incidents.
So What / So Why — The Core Argument
Reading the approximately 186 violations documented across seven annual reports under the Guidelines for Promotional Activities of Prescription Drugs (effective 2018), you find almost no cases where a representative planned to deceive anyone. The vast majority acted under the belief that "showing this data will help the doctor make a better decision," or "I was only honestly explaining our differentiator," or "I didn't mention it because no one asked." Violations do not arise from intent — they arise from the distortion of intent.
Why does this matter? Because physicians use information from pharmaceutical companies as material for prescribing decisions. If only efficacy data reaches the physician and safety risks are not conveyed, the physician prescribes without knowing those risks. If data is selectively presented, the physician builds a judgment on a faulty foundation. Individual cases may not produce visible harm, but systematic distortion of information leads to population-level harm in clinical care.
This series, "Inside the Maker," is not a search for villains. By understanding the structure that generated those approximately 186 cumulative cases — the pressure map and the four psychological drivers — it provides material for asking whether your own judgment has entered the same chain. This first installment serves as an introduction, laying out the map for the series as a whole.
The Structure of Pressure — Who, By When, With What Numbers
The source of pressure on a representative is not only the direct manager. Pressure exists on multiple levels, and each layer affects judgment at different moments and in different forms.
Sales and Share Targets, Quarterly Quotas
MRs are often assigned individual targets for adopted institutions, prescription volume, and revenue. When chasing numbers toward a quarter's end, the calculation "if I show this data, they'll adopt the product" accelerates. The reverse fear — that laying out safety information carefully might make the physician hesitate — makes omitting safety information feel rational.
Launch and Indication Expansion Deadlines
Immediately after a new drug is approved, expectations of blockbuster status collide with the 14-day prescribing restriction. Under internal pressure to maximize adopted hospital count within the first year of launch, violations that "implicitly encourage use inconsistent with the prescribing day limit" appeared in multiple cases in the fiscal 2019 annual report. During indication expansion, the motive to "raise physician expectations before approval" triggers hints about off-label use.
KOL Relationship Maintenance
Company-sponsored medical lectures carry a long-term relationship with the speaker as backdrop. When a speaker promotes the company's product too aggressively, the sponsoring company tends not to intervene — treating lecture content as "the speaker's own judgment." The Guidelines specify that sponsoring companies are responsible for reviewing the content of lecture materials, but the fiscal 2020 and fiscal 2022 annual reports document cases where this review was not carried out.
Competitive Response and Internal Politics
In markets where biosimilars or generics have entered, the pressure to defend share spikes. The increase in disparagement of competitor companies to a combined eight cases across the fiscal 2024 and 2025 annual reports (four cases in the fiscal 2024 edition, four in the fiscal 2025 edition) may reflect this intensifying competition. Internally, the fact that a manager approved a slide functions as official sanction, removing the representative's motivation to question whether the content is appropriate.
Caught Between Incentive Design and Regulation
When evaluation systems are tied to adopted prescription count or sales achievement rate, increasing the precision of efficacy claims aligns with incentives — while no mechanism exists to evaluate the accuracy of safety information delivery. The Guidelines mandate balance between efficacy and safety, but if incentives measure only one side, behavior naturally tilts. This gap between what regulation requires and what incentives reward is the structural breeding ground for violations.
Internal Reconstruction — Belief, Feeling, and Psychological Driver
Pressure comes from outside. But it becomes a violation only when something happens inside the representative. For each of the four drivers below, the sequence is: belief (what the person held to be correct) → feeling (the emotion in the moment) → psychological mechanism (what was operating beneath the surface). This is not the story of any specific individual — it is an extraction of psychological patterns observable across the approximately 186 cumulative cases.
① Motivated Reasoning
Belief: "This drug genuinely works for patients. Therefore showing this data is the right thing to do."
Feeling: Conviction and a sense of mission. A sincere desire for the physician to know.
Psychological mechanism: The conclusion comes first (this drug is good), and only supporting data is selected. Contradictory data is reinterpreted as "an unusual patient population" or "an atypical trial" and excluded from awareness. This is the textbook form of what psychologist Ziva Kunda (1990) formalized as motivated reasoning — it is not malice but conviction that distorts information. Because the representative genuinely feels they are being honest, they do not notice until someone points it out from outside.
② Local Justification
Belief: "This one slide is fine. The surrounding context compensates."
Feeling: Attention to individual parts, numbness to the whole. Comfort in "this piece is accurate, so it's okay."
Psychological mechanism: By evaluating each decision only at the level of "this step," the person loses sight of the distorted impression the full presentation gives the physician. The pattern of first saying "this is off-label, but speaking in general terms" before stepping into problematic territory is the textbook example. Each step looks legitimate, but the chain completes a violation. This is close to what Bazerman and Tenbrunsel (2011) call "ethical fading" — awareness that a substantial moral decision is being made quietly dissolves.
③ Omission Bias
Belief: "I didn't say it — I didn't lie. The doctor can ask if they want to know."
Feeling: Self-absolution from not having committed an active deception. A lightening of guilt.
Psychological mechanism: An intuition operates that actively fabricating information and simply staying silent are morally distinct (commission bias). The justification "I didn't mention it because no one asked" recurs across safety minimization cases documented across report years. But the Guidelines mandate proactive provision of both efficacy and safety information — omission is a violation on equal footing with fabrication. The intuition that "omission is not a lie" renders transparent what is, by regulatory definition, equivalent to lying.
④ Diffusion of Responsibility
Belief: "The physician is the one who prescribes. I am only providing information."
Feeling: Psychological distance between one's own act and its consequences for the patient. A sense of security.
Psychological mechanism: Statements like "my manager approved this slide," "other companies do the same," and "the physician decides" distribute responsibility for one's own judgment across others. As social psychology has repeatedly shown, the more diffuse the responsibility, the weaker individual inhibition becomes. The cases of sponsoring companies that failed to review speaker content after the fact show a double diffusion of responsibility — "the speaker said it."
These four drivers do not work independently — they chain. "For the patient (driver ①) → present only this data (local justification ②) → no need to mention side effects (omission ③) → the doctor decides (externalization ④)." A single violation is completed through this chain. Noticing where in the chain you are is the only practical lever that stops a violation from forming.
The Underlying Incidents — Confirming the Chain in Three Cases
All three cases below are documented in the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare's annual monitoring reports for their respective fiscal years. What comes through is that the representatives were not "unusually bad actors" — they were ordinary makers.
Case 1: The Day a Personal Impression Became Data (March 2019 Report — No Evidence)
Medium and product area: Verbal explanation by company representative / endometriosis treatment
What happened: At an in-hospital information session, the representative explained that the product tasted better than a competitor's. When asked for the basis, it turned out to be the company representative's own impression from personally taking the medication — there was no evidence.
Source quotation: "It was the personal impression of the company representative who had taken the medication themselves, and there was no evidence." (March 2019 Report)
Driver at work: This is a textbook case of ① motivated reasoning. The conclusion-first conviction — "this drug is easy to take → therefore it's good for patients → therefore I should tell the doctor" — led the person to treat a personal experience as data. The distinction between data and impression was erased by the strength of the belief.
Detailed analysis is covered in Vol.03: Explanations Without Evidence.
Case 2: The Gap Five Words Created (March 2019 Report — Off-Label Implication)
Medium and product area: Presentation slides and verbal explanation by company representative / dyslipidemia treatment
What happened: At an in-hospital study session, a slide labeled "general information" was inserted between efficacy trial slides. It presented diabetic patients as a high atherosclerosis-risk population; the following slide showed a postprandial triglyceride graph, and the representative explained in a way that implied the product was effective in diabetic patients outside its approved indication. At another institution, after noting the substance in question was "nearly identical to this product," the representative stated it "improves insulin sensitivity" — implying an off-label effect. Similar reports arrived from multiple monitored institutions.
Source quotation: "Despite the absence of data linking the substance to this product, explanations were given framing it as 'general information' or 'a substance nearly identical to this product,' implying efficacy and effects outside the approved range of this product." (March 2019 Report)
Driver at work: This is a textbook case of ② local justification. Judgment was validated at the unit of "I labeled it general information, so there's no problem" and "I was not making a claim about data" — and any sense of responsibility for the impression the full slide set created in the physician's mind — "this drug seems usable for diabetes" — was gone. The fact that the same slides were used across multiple facilities shows this rationalization was shared at an organizational level.
Detailed analysis is covered in Vol.01: Off-Label and Unapproved Information Provision.
Case 3: "We Don't Show the Domestic Data" Was Shared Across the Organization (March 2022 Report — Safety Minimization)
Medium and product area: Online information sessions (company representatives), multiple institutions / heart failure treatment
What happened: Representatives explained only the results of an overseas Phase 3 trial where the primary endpoint showed a statistically significant difference. The results of a domestic Phase 3 trial that failed to show a significant difference were not mentioned at all. This selective pattern was confirmed at multiple institutions.
Source quotation: "The domestic Phase 3 trial results that failed to demonstrate a significant difference were not explained at all." "This case was confirmed at multiple institutions with the same pattern." (March 2022 Report)
Driver at work: ③ omission bias and ④ diffusion of responsibility overlapped. The local justification of "no one asked" and "the primary endpoint efficacy is demonstrated in the overseas data" normalized the omission, while "this slide structure was created by the company" externalized individual responsibility. Confirmation at multiple institutions suggests the organization was selecting information collectively rather than individual representatives making individual calls. Each representative may have felt they were simply "using the slides they were given" — that is the completed form of responsibility diffusion.
Detailed analysis is covered in Vol.06: Emphasis on Efficacy Alone and Minimization of Safety Information.
Inside the Creator ── The Psychology Behind Deviations ── Map of 10 chapters
- Part 1 (this chapter): A Map of Pressure — How Good Intentions Bend
- Part 2: The Creed Trap — "I Want to Help Patients" as the Entry Point
- Part 3: Conclusion First, Data Second — Motivated Reasoning
- Part 4: "Just One Slide" — Local Rationalization
- Part 5: The Choice Not to Speak — The Sin of Omission
- Part 6: Structures That Let You Blame Someone Else — Externalizing Responsibility
- Part 7: The Gravity of Numbers — Quotas and the Psychology of Incentives
- Part 8: The Anxiety of Competition — How Panic Becomes Disparagement
- Part 9: The Silent Organization — Conformity Pressure, Hollow Audits, and the Self That Won't Disclose
- Part 10: Redesigning Pressure — Individual Psychology and Organizational Systems
- The conviction that "this helps patients" is what generates violations. The approximately 186 cumulative cases were not produced by malice — they were produced by good intentions bent through the combination of four psychological drivers. Motivated reasoning happens not when someone decides to lie, but when they genuinely believe what they are saying.
- Pressure does not only come down from above — it gets internalized through the professional conscience and good intentions of representatives themselves. Quarterly quotas, launch deadlines, KOL relationships, and competitive pressure together create a structure that makes omitting safety information look like "a reasonable call."
- "Just one slide," "no one asked," "my manager approved it" — when any of these phrases appear, the speaker has entered local justification, omission bias, or diffusion of responsibility. Asking whether your own words match these patterns is where stopping a violation begins.
- Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, "Guidelines for Promotional Activities of Prescription Drugs" (September 25, 2018; Iseikei-hatsu 0925 No. 1 / Yakushokanma-hatsu 0925 No. 1)
- Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, "March 2019 Report on the Monitoring of Promotional Activities for Prescription Drugs (Advertising Activity Monitoring Project)" (Document No. 000509783)
- Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, "March 2022 Monitoring Report on Promotional Activities for Prescription Drugs (Sales Information Provision Monitoring Project)" (official document number unavailable in source)
- Standards for Appropriate Advertising of Drugs (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, September 29, 2017; Yakuseihatsu 0929 No. 4)
- Japan Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Association, Voluntary Standards Based on the "Guidelines for Promotional Activities of Prescription Drugs" (2019)
- Kunda, Z. (1990). The case for motivated reasoning. Psychological Bulletin, 108(3), 480–498.
- Bazerman, M.H. & Tenbrunsel, A.E. (2011). Blind Spots: Why We Fail to Do What's Right and What to Do about It. Princeton University Press.